Trump vowed to keep U.S. out of wars. What changed when he decided to bomb Iran?

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President Donald Trump campaigned on stopping "endless wars." He also entered office vowing to bring a swift closure to conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine. Five months in, he has joined Israel's war on Iran's nuclear facilities.

So what has changed? And what were the warning signs Trump was prepared to become the third wheel in an Israel-Iran contest for regional dominance that has been playing out for decades?

The extent of damage done in Iran was not clear. The White House says U.S. bombers decimated three uranium enrichment facilities. What comes next is also far from certain: additional U.S. strikes, Iran's retaliation, a resumption of diplomacy? Is this the start of the collapse of Iran's clerical regime? Is it a historic moment akin to the breakup of the Soviet Union?

What's indisputable is that one pull factor for the United States is Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's long, complicated relationship with recent American presidents. The U.S. bombing of Iran is also the culmination of a debate that traces at least as far back to the 1990s when Netanyahu, then a young lawmaker, predicted the Islamic Republic, Israel's sworn enemy, would one day either acquire, or be on the cusp of acquiring, a nuclear weapon and Israel would be forced to act − ideally with U.S. help.

"Within three to five years, we can assume that Iran will become autonomous in its ability to develop and produce a nuclear bomb," Netanyahu said in 1992. His prediction was later repeated in his 1995 book, "Fighting Terrorism."

Netanyahu's constant refrain: Bomb Iran

Netanyahu is the longest-serving Israeli prime minister in the Jewish state's history. He has occupied the role on and off for more than 17 years. In every one of those years he has sought to persuade American presidents to attack Iran's nuclear program, which Tehran insists is for civilian energy purposes only.

Netanyahu has appeared at the United Nations with elaborate maps and cartoon-style drawings of bombs. He worked hard to scupper the 2015 nuclear accord between Iran and world powers that Trump exited because he said Iranian officials could not be trusted.

In 2002, Netanyahu told a U.S. congressional committee that both Iraq and Iran would soon have a nuclear bomb. A year later the United States invaded Iraq. In 2009, he told members of Congress in private that Iran was just a year or two away from producing a nuclear weapon, according to a U.S. State Department cable released by WikiLeaks.

Successive American presidents have listened and acted on Netanyahu's Iran warnings, most substantively politically in the form of the Obama administration's 2015 nuclear deal, which was designed to limit Iran's uranium enrichment in return for relief of U.S. economic sanctions on Tehran. When Trump, in his first term, exited that agreement, it was working in the sense that Iran was not enriching uranium at a level necessary to produce a nuclear weapon, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the United Nations' nuclear watchdog.

Netanyahu's public and private relationships with American presidents have been marked by chilly tensions and insults. In 2015, Netanyahu's spokesman apologized to former President Barack Obama. He has also clashed with former presidents Bill Clinton and Joe Biden. Netanyahu has even annoyed Trump, although their relationship trends toward mutual lavish praise.

But no American president − until now − has gone along with Netanyahu's war plans for Iran, fearing the United States could be dragged into a wider Middle East war. The experiences of Iraq and Afghanistan still haunt U.S. presidents.

"The president more than anybody is worried about protracted military conflicts, and that is not what we are getting ourselves involved in,” Vice President JD Vance said on ABC's "This Week" program June 22.

Vance said the Trump administration also is not trying to force regime change in Iran.

Reading Trump's Iran tea leaves

Trump may also not be as risk-averse to military action as he is sometimes portrayed, including by himself.

In his first term, he ordered a missile attack in Syria to punish then-Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for using chemical weapons; a raid to kill Islamic State group leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi; and a drone attack that killed Qasem Soleimani, a senior Iranian military commander much beloved in Iran whose death led to Iranian reprisals on U.S. bases in Iraq.

Also in the background: The IAEA and former U.S. officials such as Dan Shapiro, U.S. ambassador to Israel during the Obama administration, say Iran's nuclear capabilities had advanced since Trump exited the nuclear deal. "Iran cannot be left with an enrichment capability, able to produce a nuclear weapon at a time of its choosing," Shapiro wrote in a recent blog post.

Trump has made comments for years that reflect that sentiment.

The main thrust of his remarks in recent weeks have been to say he won't allow Iran to continue its nuclear enrichment program, and Tehran could give it up through negotiation or through what he called "the hard way."

After first pushing for a diplomatic solution, Trump's tone changed after Israel struck dozens of Iranian nuclear and military targets on June 13, killing many of Iran's military elite and senior nuclear scientists. By June 17, the president was threatening Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, on social media, calling him an "easy target."

See updated maps, satellite images: Iran's nuclear sites before and after Israeli attacks

Trump likes a winner. He often says so himself.

In the days leading up to the U.S. strike, Israel appeared to be winning.

"Congratulations, President Trump, your bold decision to target Iran’s nuclear facilities with the awesome and righteous might of the United States will change history,” Netanyahu said in a statement as he addressed the world June 22. He spoke in English, not Hebrew.

In his own address, to the American people, Trump said: "I want to thank and congratulate Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu. We worked as a team like perhaps no team has ever worked before, and we’ve gone a long way to erasing this horrible threat to Israel."

Not mentioned: U.S. intelligence agencies assessed earlier this year that they did not believe Iran was close to building a nuclear bomb.

Contributing: Francesca Chambers, Tom Vanden Brook